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24<div style="color:#FFFFFF;font-size:3px;">arheaded by political scientist and anthropologist James C. Scott in his book The Moral Economy of the Peasant, the moral economy school considers moral variables such as social norms, moral values, interpretation of justice, and conception of duty to the community as the prime influencers of the decision to rebel. This perspective still adheres to Olson&#39;s framework, but it considers different variables to enter the cost/benefit analysis: the individual is still believed to be rational, albeit not on material but moral grounds. Early conceptualization: E. P. Thompson and bread riots in England British historian E.P. Thompson is often cited as being the first to use the term &quot;moral economy&quot;, he said in his 1991 publication that the term had been in use since the 18th century. In his 1971 Past &amp; Present journal article, Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century, he discussed English bread riots, and other lo
25 calized form of rebellion by English peasants throughout the 18th century. He said that these events have been routinely dismissed as &quot;riotous&quot;, with the connotation of being disorganized, spontaneous, undirected, and undisciplined. He wrote that, on the contrary, such riots involved a coordinated peasant action, from the pillaging of food convoys to the seizure of grain shops. A scholar such as Popkin has argued that peasants were trying to gain material benefits, such as more food. Thompson sees a legitimization factor, meaning &quot;a belief that [the peasants] were defending traditional rights and customs&quot;. Thompson goes on to write: &quot;[the riots were] legitimized by the assumptions of an older moral economy, which taught the immorality of any unfair method of forcing up the price of provisions by profiteering upon the necessities of the people&quot;. In 1991, twenty years after his original publication, Thompson said that his, &quot;object of analysis was the
26  mentalit&eacute;, or, as  would prefer, the political culture, the expectations, traditions, and indeed, superstitions of the working population most frequently involved in actions in the market&quot;. The opposition between a traditional, paternalist, and the communitarian set of values clashing with the inverse liberal, capitalist, and market-derived ethics is central to explain rebellion. James C. Scott and the formalization of the moral economy argument In his 1976 book The Moral Economy of Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia, James C. Scott looks at the impact of exogenous economic and political shocks on peasant communities in Southeast Asia. Scott finds that peasants are mostly in the business of surviving and producing enough to subsist. Therefore, any extractive regime needs to respect this careful equilibrium. He labels this phenomenon the &quot;subsistence ethic&quot;. A landowner operating in such communities is seen to have the moral duty to prioritize
27  the peasant&#39;s subsistence over his constant benefit. According to Scott, the powerful colonial state accompanied by market capitalism did not respect this fundamental hidden law in peasant societies. Rebellious movements occurred as the reaction to an emotional grief, a moral outrage. Other non-material incentives Blattman and Ralston recognize the importance of immaterial selective incentives, such as anger, outrage, and injustice (&quot;grievance&quot;) in the roots of rebellions. These variables, they argue, are far from being irrational, as they are sometimes presented. They identify three main types of grievance arguments: Intrinsic incentives holds that &quot;injustice or perceived transgression generates an intrinsic willingn</div>
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